Ancient History - Part 46: The Blood Feud Begins

King Murshil's reign exemplified a non-aggression principle with areas outside of his domain that were previously the aim of conquest by Hatta left largely untouched. Whether this was due to an ill-desire of placing his people in the proximity of the growing Assyrian peril or merely a touch of benevolence still remains unclear.

Murshil is estimated to have died roughly around 1300 B.C., upon which his son, Muwatallis, assumed the Hittite throne. Almost immediately, the new king found himself in open-conflict with the Egyptian king, Seti I, whose armies not only encroached upon Hattic territory, but violently clashed with that of his own. As Egypt pushed with northward marches, Hatta responded in southward counter-marches culminating in bloody skirmishes. The days of being honor-bound to a treaty forged by their forebears soon lay buried in the past.

Warbound enemies once again, in the eighth year of Egyptian-Hittite armed conflict, Seti I died and before the throne had time to even pass to his successor, the Hattic forces successfully broke through, assuming the recently deceased pharoah's rich provinces, in a deadly path through Egypt's dominion. The death of a monarch is an ill-omen, and typically signals enemy forces with a ripe opportunity to attack a weakened nation's heart.

However, once the Egyptian throne officially passed onto Ramses II, the landscape would change. Five years later, the infamous Battle of Kadesh took place (a topic deserving of an in-depth analysis of its own post(s) potentially at a later date) where both embittered overlords of Syria clashed in what has been cemented as a storybook highlight of Egypt's proud history. Fragments exist from both the Egyptian and Hittite perspective on how the events of that fateful day unfolded.

Kadesh was a Hattic controlled city and Ramses II set out to overtake it. The core armed strengths of both superpowers' militaries were bound to face-off in a deadly culmination at this battle site and various ploys and intrigues took place prior to, during, and after the battle itself. 

In the end, despite proclaiming courage and victory, Ramses II and his army's attack on Kadesh (Qadesh) was repelled, quickly pivoting to withdraw to Palestine. There were many close encounters for the pharaoh on the battlefield that nearly sent him to an early crypt, who insisted that he, along with his elite guard, be placed in a precarious mid-line position in order to inspire his troop amidst the fighting.

While the battle-hungry Egyptian leader technically lost, the resulting aftermath had the king of Egypt declared the victor, and this is a profound example of how the presentation of information can manipulate a people's attitude and favor when efforts are made to obscure detection of the deceit. Ramses II's reign would continue many more years, some still in conflict with the Hittites, and yet that loss is still touted as a victory in some circles of Egypt's cultural heritage even to our present day. 

[KING RAMSES II, as depicted in battle]

Ancient History - Part 45: The Syrian Principalities

The Hand of Nergal, a deadly plague, engulfed the lands of the Hittites, and by 1360 B.C. king Shubbiluliuma had fallen ill and died. His firstborn son and heir, Arnuwandash, too, succumbed and passed, thus the kingship was left to Murshil, Shubbiluliuma's second son and sole remaining male heir. Murshil's constitution prevailed and he soon ascended to the throne.

The first decade of Murshil's reign focused primarily on visits throughout Syria and engagements with local matters of state. There are several references etched upon cuneiform, recovered from Bogazkale, detailing the princes of Syria treating with the new king. Carchemish (Karkemish) appeared to be the most favorable amongst his subjects, though Aleppo (Alep) proudly reminded its citizens of their friendship with the ruler of Hatta.

Securing warm relations with his freshly conquered subjects was a matter of deep importance to Murshil, though in the case of Kissuwadna, vast effort was required. Shubbiluliuma severely chastened the prince and his people, but agreed to allow the city its autonomy if an alliance was drawn that Hatta's allies and enemies would be mirrored by Kissuwadna. After much deliberation, assurances were made and the city's loyalty and its alliance to Hatta remained intact with this younger king.

Following their betrayal, the Harri had scattered to the winds, relocating to various Syrian cities, and the wiser princes promised that should Murshil require reinforcements in future-wars, the Harri populace would be the first lines of enlistment. Murshil retained the friendship of Syria by agreeing to abolish the frontier fortifications that separated the border-states, especially now that his father's campaign against them had ended.

Lastly, outside of Syria and Hattic territory, Murshil adopted his late-father's stance toward the Mitanni. He understood the value placed on their continual existence as a buffer-state between Hatta and Assyria. As Assyrian power grew and threatened all that touched its ever expanding borders, an attack on the Mitanni would act as an alarm system, signaling danger to the greater Hittite state. Thusly, Murshil warranted that the Mitanni people would be permitted freedom to dwell and use the Tigris and the riverlands around it as their own.

A back door is a security flaw designed to directly admit the safe passage to the creator and by maintaining an ally with the Mitanni, it was a strategy that meant that the Hattic king could theoretically move an army through Hanigalbat lands to strike at a growing enemy, should the need arise, particularly, an Assyrian enemy.

[MURSHIL'S PRAYER TO THE GODS TO END THE HAND OF NERGAL]